Comrade AI is there to serve China’s Communist Party
At the heart of Beijing’s artificial intelligence strategy is to use the technology to tighten ideological control
In the arena of global technology, China’s ambitions in artificial intelligence stand out – not just for their scale but for their distinct strategic approach. In 2017, the Communist Party declared its intent to surpass the United States to become the world leader in AI by 2030.
This plan, however, is less about pioneering technologies and more about adapting existing ones to serve state economic, political, and social objectives. While both China and the US are actively pursuing AI technologies, their approaches differ significantly.
The United States has traditionally led in fundamental AI research and innovation, with institutions such as Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Stanford, as well as tech giants such as Google and Microsoft driving breakthroughs in machine learning.
This innovation-first approach contrasts with China’s focus on adaptation and application of existing technologies for specific state objectives.
Economic planning
American development is primarily driven by a decentralized network of academic institutions, private companies, and government agencies, often with competing interests and a focus on commercial applications.
In contrast, China’s AI strategy is more centralized and state-directed, with a clear focus on supporting government initiatives such as social control and economic planning.
At the heart of China’s AI strategy lies its effort to embed the technology in the machinery of the government’s ideological control. A prime example is the Xue Xi chatbot developed by researchers at China’s top-ranked Tsinghua University.
Unlike Western AI models designed to foster open-ended dialogue, Xue Xi was trained in part on “Xi Jinping Thought” to indoctrinate users with Communist Party ideology.
This isn’t just a singular initiative but part of a broader trend. AI-driven surveillance systems, like the facial recognition tech deployed across the Xinjiang region of China, enable the government to maintain tight control over the area’s minority Muslim Uyghur population.
These technologies are not groundbreaking. They build on existing innovations but are finely tuned to serve the Communist Party’s efforts to maintain social order and prevent dissent.
China’s AI prowess comes not by creating new high-tech but by mastering and deploying it in ways that align with its ideological imperatives.
Competitive edge
AI is also deeply intertwined with its economic ambitions. Faced with slowing growth, the Communist Party views technology as the essential tool for pulling the country out of its economic slowdown.
This is particularly evident in sectors such as manufacturing and logistics, where AI is used to drive efficiencies and maintain China’s competitive edge in global supply chains.
For example, companies such as online retail giant Alibaba have developed artificial intelligence-driven logistics platforms that optimize delivery routes and manage warehouse operations. This will ensure that China remains the factory of the world.
Additionally, China’s social credit system, which rates citizens on their civic and financial behavior, represents a significant strategic initiative where AI plays an increasingly crucial role. It is designed to monitor and influence citizen behavior on a massive scale.
Although AI is not yet fully implemented across the entire social credit system, it is being integrated to track and analyze vast amounts of data, such as financial transactions, online interactions, and social relationships.
This data is then used to assign scores that can affect various aspects of life, from loan approvals to travel permissions. As AI becomes increasingly embedded, it is likely to further reinforce state control and ensure societal compliance.
On the international stage, China is exporting its AI technologies to expand its influence, particularly in developing nations.
Export strategy
Through the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese tech giants such as Huawei and ZTE are providing AI surveillance systems to governments in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. These systems are often framed as tools for improving public safety.
But they are part of a larger strategy to export Beijing’s governance model.
For instance, in Zimbabwe, Chinese firms have helped implement a nationwide facial recognition system under the guise of combating crime. Political activists in Zimbabwe fear it is being used to monitor government opponents, mirroring its use in China.
By exporting AI technologies that are tightly integrated with state control, the world’s second-largest economy is not only expanding its market share but also promoting its authoritarian model as a viable alternative to Western democracy.
China’s military ambitions are also linked to its AI strategy. The People’s Liberation Army is investing heavily in AI-driven autonomous systems, including drones and robotic platforms. These technologies are not necessarily the most advanced but fit China’s needs.
The Communist Party is developing AI systems to support its naval operations in the South China Sea, a region of geopolitical tension. Beijing is deploying autonomous submarines and drones to monitor and potentially disrupt foreign military activities in the region.
This strategic use of AI in military applications highlights China’s focus on using existing tech to achieve specific geopolitical objectives, rather than seeking innovation for its own sake.
Existing technologies
Its approach to AI is a calculated strategy of adaptation, rather than raw innovation. By mastering the use of existing technologies and aligning them with state objectives, China is not only bolstering its domestic control but also reshaping global power dynamics.
Whether through ideological indoctrination, economic control, strategic exports, or military advancements, Beijing’s’ AI playbook is a powerful reminder that in the realm of technology, how tools are used can be just as transformative as the tools themselves.
Shaoyu Yuan is a Dean’s Fellow at the Division of Global Affairs at Rutgers University – Newark in the United States.
This edited article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy of China Factor.